A critical shortage of nursing faculty has been a recognized issue for several decades in the US. The American Association of Colleges of Nursing (AACN) has published surveys and fact sheets detailing the extent of this problem since 2000 (AACN, 2000-2024). And yet it persists and is getting worse. Findings from an autoethnographic study reveal that age discrimination is impeding search committees from attracting and sustaining qualified faculty (Camillo, 2024a). This paper presents an in-depth analysis of the evidence and consequences of this form of discrimination and the underlying beliefs and values that support it. Strategies for change are suggested that can optimize opportunities to bring older, experienced faculty into the academy.
The Evidence
There is evidence that highly qualified, doctorly prepared nurses with teaching and research experience are being turned away from open positions in academia due solely to their age (Camillo, 2024a). This form of discrimination has been noted as one of the last isms and the least likely to be acknowledged although considered to be the most common (Martin & North, 2022; Levy et al., 2022; Weir, 2023). It’s pervasive in American culture where youthfulness is valued and all possible means to maintain it are pursued. With increasing years, elders are viewed as frail, dependent, and vulnerable (Langman & Webel, 2023). Nursing is part of this culture, and evidence, both in academia and clinical arenas, strongly suggests it has assimilated its values (Jeyasingam et al, 2023; Chen et al, 2023). The following sentence is highlighted in every AACN report regarding the faculty shortage since 2000:
“Faculty age continues to climb, narrowing the number of productive years educators teach.”
The exact wording of this message has been recorded in publications outside of AACN (Health Careers, 2022; Nurse Source, (nd) and even social media platforms (Moraros. 2021). It is a form of cultural disinformation that shapes attitudes towards older persons, resulting in discrimination emanating from ageist beliefs. It neglects to appreciate the heterogeneity of older persons who enter the workforce with diverse backgrounds, experiences, and functional capabilities. It’s also not clear when this “narrowing of productive years” begins. When is someone considered “old”? Social security was established in 1935 when life expectancy was sixty-one. In the US it’s currently seventy-nine. John Shoven, an economics professor at Stanford University proposed a new measure for calculating old age. It’s calculated not on the number of years since birth, but rather on the likelihood of death. If there is a 1% mortality risk, a person could be considered “middle-aged” (Shoven, 2010). This is an interesting perspective especially when considering that a fifty-year-old with diabetes diagnosed at age thirty died on average fourteen years earlier than their nondiabetic counterparts (Emerging Risk Factors Collaboration, 2023).
The implication in AACN’s statement is that with increasing age, a faculty member loses the ability to be productive and contribute to the mission of the university. However, research has demonstrated that the main predictors of job performance are knowledge and expertise, not age (Bersin & Chamorro-Premuzic, 2019). In a detailed study and analysis of work role performance, Karanika-Murray, et al., (2024) found that from midlife onwards, higher job complexity increases proactivity and sustains adaptivity. Analysis by the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development showed that those with a higher share of workers aged 50+ are 1.1% more productive as a result of lower job turnover and increased work experience (OECD, 2020; Center for Aging Better, 2021). Although there is evidence of age discrimination among younger adults, sometimes prejudiced as having too little experience, research supports more negative attitudes toward those who are older (Kite et al., 2005).
Evidence over time that persists today, demonstrates that women face worse age discrimination than men (Neumark & Button, 2014). This is especially relevant in nursing which has historically been dominated by females. Men and women age differently. The social construct of their roles shapes beliefs and attitudes toward aging creating a “gendered ageism” (Krekula et al., 2018, María Sánchez-Román et al., 2022). Historically, women’s contribution as productive members of society revolved around their ability to procreate. With increasing age, and loss of fertility, women were no longer considered productive, rather they were viewed as “problems” (Ebersole, 2000). Gender as part of the age discrimination experience, especially in the labor market, involves the impact of child-rearing and caregiving. For many, this delays career progression. Evidence for this can be found in data from the National League of Nursing (NLN) on student enrollment by age and program type. In 2020, 21.4% of those in doctoral programs were between the ages of 51-60 (NLN, 2020). Although these students were not rejected due to their age when enrolling in these programs, they have a strong possibility of experiencing age discrimination when they complete their degree.
Martin and North (2022) argue that ageism shares similarities with racism and sexism. However, rather than a “stay in your place” type of prejudice experienced by women and different racial groups; ageism is the belief that older individuals need to “move out of the way”. Interestingly, in conducting nine studies looking at egalitarian beliefs and advocacy, these researchers found more advocacy for women and racial minorities and more prejudice and less support toward older individuals. With a focus on the number of faculty retiring, this appears to be the case in nursing as well.
Evidence of age discrimination in hiring is often not overt. In their research, Burn et al., (2023 ) found that language used in ads for employment can have an effect of discouraging older workers from applying. Advertisements for faculty positions in nursing often have subtle age- related stereotypes embedded in the language used. For example, when only one to two years of teaching experience is preferred, there is an interest in appealing to those who are in a younger cohort. Older applicants with much more experience could be considered overqualified for the position discouraging these individuals from applying for the position. Language is a powerful method of endorsing stereotypes and supporting ageist beliefs. It’s often subliminal. An interesting example is one provided by Newmark (2019) when he noted that if acceptable derogatory jokes and remarks about older persons were applied to women and minorities, they would be more readily identified as unacceptable.
Further evidence of age discrimination in hiring nursing faculty can be found in the lack of callbacks related to job applications. In her autoethnography, Camillo (2024a) details the lack of response from over 40 job applications during her sixties. Many did not even acknowledge receiving her CV. This behavior in the management of older persons’ job applications was confirmed in a study conducted by Newmark & Button (2014) in which fake job applications were sent in response to real job ads. A significantly lower number of callbacks was evidence of direct job discrimination against older applicants. And not surprisingly, older women got fewer callbacks as compared to older men. In another study, Lahey (2008) found that women over the age of fifty were significantly less likely to be asked to interview when compared to a younger cohort.
Using retirement as the focus for why there are not enough nursing faculty is an ageist smokescreen for the real issues that urgently need to be addressed. There are high levels of emotional exhaustion among nursing faculty (Boamah et al., 2022; Yedidia et al., 2014; Bang & Reio, 2017). In an integrative review of the literature, Dugger (2024) found that high workloads and lack of work-life balance were the leading factors involved in burnout and the intent to leave. In an online survey, Melnyk and colleagues (2023) confirmed these findings and called for urgent action to address these issues. Sadly, some of these issues are not new. In an NLN- Carnegie Foundation National Study of Nurse Educators in 2007, excessive workload was identified as a significant issue and quantified as a 56-hour work week. More than one in four educators stated they were considering leaving for a reduced workload and a better quality of life (NLN, 2007). These are long-standing unresolved issues that have exacerbated the faculty shortage. It shouldn’t come as a surprise that many faculty are seeking retirement, and many with the intent to leave even before age 65 (Aquino et al., 2018).
Personal Consequences
When an applicant is not chosen for a faculty position, it can certainly be disappointing. However, when the reason for that failed appointment is based on ageism, it can have a significant negative impact on health with long-term consequences. In a comprehensive systematic review of the impact ageism has on health, Chang et al., (2020) reviewed 422 studies from forty-five countries over twenty-five years. A total of seven million participants were included in the sample. Ageism significantly predicted worse health outcomes in 95.5% of the studies. The authors concluded that ageism is a significant determinant of health. In a previous study, participants who experienced age discrimination were more likely to have coronary heart disease, chronic lung disease, arthritis, and symptoms of depression than those who did not perceive age discrimination (Jackson et al., 2019). When search committees engage in age discrimination, they risk imposing harm on a potential candidate, something that is antithetical to the profession of nursing.
Similar outcomes have been noted when studying the impact of racism on health. In a comprehensive meta-analysis of racism as a determinant of health, Paradies et al., (2015) analyzed 293 studies reported in 333 journals between 1983 and 2013. In 32.2% of the articles, depression was the most frequently reported mental health outcome. Interestingly, although the impact of racism on physical health was noteworthy (hypertension, obesity), the relationship was stronger for poor mental health. This difference was also noted in the analysis provided by Chang et al (2020). This difference does not diminish the impact. Depression, resulting from repeated microaggressions as seen in various forms of day-to-day discrimination, creates a state of chronic stress that not only increases the risk for depression but several other diseases, many of which can be life-threatening. Microaggressions can be very subtle and often unintentional. Camillo (2024) describes how painful it was, on a daily basis, to look for a response regarding her applications for several faculty positions. These microaggressions were further amplified when reading ongoing reports citing the severe nursing faculty shortage.
When both racism and ageism are experienced together with sexism, the impact can be even greater! Intersectionality is a concept that emerged from Black feminist theory. Its premise is that structural discrimination is more than a one-axis-only analysis (Weßel & Gerhards, 2023). Instead, analysis needs to include the intersection of various social categories. Initially, the focus was on the intersection of race and gender (Crenshaw, 1991). This theoretical framework has since been used to study other forms of discrimination, including those involving older age. For people who experience gender, race, class, or other forms of discrimination, there are greater disadvantages to be faced with increasing years (Langmann & Weßel, 2023).
Discrimination can also be experienced as a form of trauma. There are numerous studies validating this involving different marginalized groups (Matheson et al., 2019; Ramos & Marr, 2023). The insidious nature of ageism has limited research in this area, but recent publications are beginning to associate this form of discrimination with trauma. In a study conducted by Williams et al., (2023) participants were asked to identify the source of discrimination they experienced following the completion of the Trauma Symptoms of Discrimination Scale (TSDS). Fifty-six percent of respondents identified age discrimination as contributing to traumatic distress.
When an older faculty candidate is ignored, as seen in several scenarios described by Camillo (2024a), there is a gut-wrenching sense of loss. The stages of grieving begin with shock. It’s inconceivable that this could happen in nursing, a profession where equality is a major tenet. And yet, the evidence is undeniable: “You have a wonderful CV but we’re really looking for someone younger” and from a recruiter: “I live in the real world, Pat, you need to take your dates off your CV” (Camillo, 2024a). The impact of these encounters can only be truly understood within the context of a career that took decades to establish, often juggling single parenting and caregiving on a slow but arduous climb up the career ladder. This is the situation that is occurring today with many middle-aged and older nurses returning to school for graduate degrees. The risk for trauma related to ageism when applying for faculty positions is a future threat that can result in significant harm to these nurses.
Given that trauma often results in post-traumatic stress, it’s not surprising that ageism has been significantly associated with this disorder (Chang et al., 2020 ). Interestingly, the impact has been found to be stronger in women compared to men, even with exposure to similar forms of trauma (Tolin & Foa 2006; Fonkoue et al., 2020). In her autoethnographic research over a period of ten years, Camillo (2024) describes in visceral terms the impact that age discrimination had on her quest for a faculty position following a resolved disability. Analysis of her findings was disrupted by physical symptoms that were only apparent when focusing on the discriminatory events she experienced. Although difficult to initially accept, repeated attempts eventually confirmed that she was experiencing post-traumatic stress, an exogenously imposed disability that would further impact the quality of her life. Using creative writing as a form of therapy, Camillo (2024b) wrote a modern fable depicting the emotional angst she experienced and her quest to return to normalcy.
The impact of age discrimination in hiring not only affects an individual’s health but also future income and financial stability. Unable to secure a full-time faculty position at the age of sixty, Camillo (2024) spent the next ten years mentoring students, part-time, for an online university. Her salary was roughly twenty percent of what she would have made in a regular faculty position. Not only did this constitute a loss of well over a million dollars in income, but also seriously reduced her social security benefits which impacted the quality of her life in later years. Throughout her sixties, she continued her scholarly work, publishing two papers with her surgeon at Stanford. When asked by colleagues if she retired, she simply replied, “No, I’m still working, I just don’t get paid for it.” These are the real-world personal consequences when nursing engages in age discrimination.
Organizational Consequences
The impact of age discrimination in hiring is not limited to the individual experiencing it. It also impacts nursing programs in several ways. This form of discrimination is part of a culture of ageism that has become systemic in nursing. Several studies identify ageism among nurses in the clinical arena (Chen et al., 2024; Denton et al., 2023; Ben-Harush et al., 2016 ). It is naïve to believe that these same beliefs are not present in academia. When older nurses are not invited, welcomed, and valued in their quest for a faculty position, it sends a clear ageist message that then becomes covertly embedded into nursing education. These beliefs are carried into the clinical setting and a cycle of ageist culture is sustained. This impacts not only nurses but also the elderly who are in their care.
There is also a loss of experience and expertise. Although increasing numbers of DNP graduates are filling the vacancies once occupied by experienced faculty, the former are ill-prepared to meet the expectation of the three pillars in a faculty role: teaching, research, and service (Derby-Davis, 2014; Whitehead, 2015). When experienced faculty are not available to mentor these nurses in this new role, there is a high risk for burnout (Boamoh et al., 2023) and the intention to leave (Anderson et al., 2024). This creates a cycle of faculty turnover that compromises the education provided to students.
An important agenda for nursing education is to increase the diversity of faculty. When we speak of diversity, the emphasis is on race and ethnicity, and for good reasons! The provision of healthcare is cultural. When the provider is far removed from the life world of a patient, it’s difficult to assess that person’s needs and provide the best care. Data from the US Census Bureau reports a significant increase in the diversity index from 2010 to 2020 from 54.9% to 61.1% (Rabe, 2023). In another report, there was a 38.6% growth rate in the older population between 2010-2020 (Caplan, 2023). Similar to the advantages brought by faculty who are ethnically, and racially diverse, older faculty bring the culture of aging into education in a way that can only be fully appreciated and witnessed by members of this generation. Their absence creates a void that gets filled with social stigmas and myths regarding aging that can ultimately have a negative impact on the care provided to older individuals.
At the institutional level, the cost of replacing nursing faculty who choose to leave can be significant. The Korn Ferry Institute is a consulting firm that studies key trends and drivers of human and organizational performance. Their research estimates that it costs between 50-75% of a position’s annual salary when a high-performing employee leaves (Orr & McMullen, 2019). Given the findings of a recent Gallop report that identifies millennials as the “Job Hopping Generation,” it may not be in nursing’s best interest, in the long term, to discriminate against older faculty applicants (Adkins, 2024). One of the few universities that invited Camillo (2024a) for an interview involved a position as director of a nurse practitioner program. The person who was hired had just completed her DNP and had no experience related to this role. She left that position less than four years later. In her analysis, Camillo notes that ten years later, she would have still been there.
Years of experience and expertise that older nursing faculty bring to the academy can be exploited, especially by profit-driven programs, some of which are listed on the stock exchange. Under the guise that these nurses are too old to be productive in more traditional faculty positions, contract and adjunct positions are offered to increase profit margins. With significantly lower compensation, it’s reasonable to assume that many nurse educators in these positions spend a minimum amount of time engaged with students. These online courses are often asynchronous where students essentially teach themselves. A study published by the Milken Institute School of Public Health found that for-profit status was a significant indicator of lower NCLEX pass rates (Pittman, et al., 2019).
On a broader scale, the consequences associated with age discrimination in hiring have a significant impact on the US economy. Gallop estimates the cost related to millennial turnover to be 30.5 billion annually (Adkins, 2024). In a 2019 AARP report, discrimination against older workers cost the economy $850 billion dollars in gross domestic product (GDP) in 2018 (Accius & Yeoun Suh, 2020). This is larger than Switzerland’s GDP! That amount is predicted to increase to $3.9 trillion dollars by 2050. An estimated 63 billion in excess healthcare expenditures is also attributed to age discrimination as a result of the personal trauma experienced leading to cardiovascular and respiratory diseases as well as diabetes (Levy et al., 2020 ). The longer people are able to work, the more they are able to earn and spend, and the more likely they will remain healthy. Individuals over the age of 50 contribute significantly to tax revenues when actively employed. In 2018, this amounted to $1.4 trillion in federal taxes and $250 billion in state and local taxes (Accius, & Yeoun Suh, 2019). This is real money that can potentially trickle down into funding nursing education and research.
Legal issues
When a disproportionate number of younger versus older faculty applicants are hired, there is a potential risk for litigation. This is “prima facie evidence” of discrimination (Newmark & Button, 2014 ). However, if somehow older workers are discouraged from applying in the first place, the risk would be minimized. Careful advertising that skews toward younger applicants makes it much easier to engage in age discrimination without risking litigation.
Strategies for Change
Over several decades, various strategies for improving the nursing faculty shortage have been implemented largely focused on increasing funding for programs, scholarships for students, and loan repayment programs. Evidence provided over the years indicates that these strategies have helped a few but have not made a significant difference in the recruitment and retention of nursing faculty. It might be time for nursing leaders to accept that doing the same thing over and over again and expecting different results might not be the most effective approach. The time has come to step back and take a closer look at this problem, with a more thoughtful analysis. A new game plan is needed that includes the expertise and wisdom of nursing elders.
A Framework for Change
Ageism is defined by the World Health Organization (2021) as how we think (stereotypes), how we feel (prejudices), and how we act (discrimination). To stop the practice of age discrimination in hiring, ageist thoughts, feelings, and behaviors in the organizational culture of academic nursing need to be addressed. Referencing a WHO-designed tool kit (2021), this definition will be used to propose several strategies to help eliminate age discrimination in hiring nursing faculty.
How we think
We must make deliberate efforts to change the narrative around age in academic nursing. Stereotypical ageist thinking that describes the older worker as less adaptable, less motivated, inflexible, less productive, and reluctant to change must be challenged. (Levy & Macdonald, 2016; Marchiondo et al., 2019. Thornton (2002) argues that ageist myths should be openly and assertively discredited with the same conviction as racism and sexism. Indeed, if an applicant for a faculty position is older, Black, and female, the intersection of three forms of discrimination could pose a significantly greater barrier to employment than only one.
Student and faculty workshops focused on ageism can make an important difference in reshaping the narrative from one that views workers’ longevity as a problem to one that sees it as an opportunity (Golden, 2022). As part of a global campaign to combat ageism, the WHO toolkit (WHO, 2021) has many excellent questions that can be used to help shape these discussions. Educational interventions are among the most effective strategies for reducing ageism against older people.
Another effective means of combatting negative stereotypes is through the introduction of role models (Levy, 2018). In the past, the introduction of female role models helped to encourage women to pursue careers in science (Rosenthal, et al., 2013). It helped to change the way they thought about their choices. Older nursing faculty need to be visible in teaching and guiding the next generation of nurses. Their presence and engagement with students will help to dispel many of the myths and thinking surrounding advancing age.
We need to renounce the premise that with increasing age, productivity declines. As a science nursing needs to evaluate the evidence before making statements that foster stereotypical beliefs about age. If the evidence is found to be insufficient, then we need to design and conduct research, specific to academic nursing, that analyzes the basis for making these statements, especially given the potentially harmful consequences. To the best of this author’s knowledge, there is no data on the age range of applicants for faculty positions or whether younger faculty are more productive than those who are older.
How we feel
An insidious form of prejudice is the use of “othering”. This concept not only views other people as different but also the opposite of what is considered acceptable. In the context of this paper, othering describes the placement of older nursing faculty applicants as outsiders who are not welcome to be part of the group. At its core, othering is the result of exclusionary power relationships. When people experience othering, they often feel alienated, marginalized, excluded, and oppressed (Grove & Zwi, 2006, p. 1933, Camillo, 2024a; Camillo, 2024b).
Efforts to increase feelings of inclusiveness and diversity require a deconstruction embedded in the normality of “we” (Akbulut & Razum, 2022). Steps in this process, within nursing academia, include monitoring the use of pronouns such as ‘they’ or ‘them’ during meetings, especially those involving hiring, and replacing it with ‘we’. There is no consensus in the scientific community for when aging begins. Most consider aging a consequence of biology and not chronology. A recent study found that old age was perceived as beginning at age 75 (Wettstein et al., 2024). Imagine the positive impact this could have on the faculty shortage if this was embraced by search committees in academic nursing!
There are many negative stereotypes of older persons portrayed in various media. Providing positive images of older nurses working in various settings can help mitigate the prejudicial impact of those images. This simple strategy can be powerful in creating feelings of inclusion. Resources such as the age-positive image library created by Age Without Limits (n.d.) offer numerous visuals that can create more positive feelings towards older persons, including a section devoted to multigenerational teams.
Infuse the curriculum with positive information and knowledge that debunks aging myths and promotes a positive attitude towards aging. This can be more effective than a separate course dedicated to addressing these issues and can have a powerful impact on counteracting stereotypes and prejudices about older age. Expand these discussions to include the experiences of older faculty and clinical nurses. These activities, however, will only be effective if the surrounding organizational culture reflects the same attitudes and feelings (Fitzgerald et al., 2019).
Exposure to admired counter-stereotypical exemplars of older persons in nursing is another important strategy for reducing prejudice. Nursing history is robust with leaders who, in their later years, not only continued to share their experience and wisdom but used their expertise to provide solutions to healthcare needs that others overlooked. Clara Barton is one such leader who at the age of 59 established the American Red Cross and continued to lead it for the next twenty-three years. These exemplars help shape attitudes and feelings about older nurses whether in clinical or academic settings.
How we act
Creating an intergenerational learning community provides an opportunity for faculty and students of all ages to engage with each other, sharing their knowledge, experiences, and values. Although some literature addresses intergenerational learning, most are focused on specific projects. Embedding intergenerational learning within the fabric of academic nursing is an opportunity to create an organizational culture that addresses ageism and discriminatory practices openly and honestly. The only way this can be achieved is by removing age discrimination in the hiring of nursing faculty. The Center for Aging Better (2021) has some very specific recommendations to guide search committees in this process.
The following are some of their suggestions:
In addition to the above strategies, data related to the recruitment process should be gathered and analyzed. This should include the age of applicants noting those who were not offered an interview, shortlisted, and those who were successful in being offered the position. Examination of intersections with race, ethnicity, or disability should also be examined. Data would be especially useful in evaluating a popular approach to filling faculty vacancies - ‘growing your own’. There is very little research on the effectiveness of this approach. Some consider it “incestuous” (Vandyk et al., 2017 ). It limits what is referred to as “cognitive diversity.” Although not strictly defined by race, gender, or age, cognitive diversity brings different perspectives or information processing styles to new, uncertain, and complex situations often accelerating progress toward a solution (Reynolds & Lewis, 2017). The current nursing faculty shortage is a complex situation that could benefit from more cognitive diversity, which includes the voices of older, experienced faculty.
Retain older faculty by acknowledging the value they bring to the mission of the nursing program (Falk, 2007). Pair them up with less experienced faculty when teaching. It takes new faculty two to three years to become comfortable in their role (Sorcinelli, 2004). This intergenerational teaching can provide a perspective regarding the older patient that might otherwise be missed or not appreciated. When students lack intergenerational engagement, they can carry ageist myths into the clinical arena, potentially prejudicing the care given to older patients.
Summary
This paper provides evidence for both overt and covert age discrimination in the hiring of nursing faculty. These actions are disturbing but likely unintentional, given nursing’s historical stance supporting equity and social justice. Antecedents to these actions are rooted in the decades-long language used by professional nursing organizations, further seeding itself in various social media and literature. Fueled by these ageist beliefs, age discrimination has significant consequences at both the individual and institutional levels. The former results in trauma and a significant negative impact on health, such that many consider it a determinant of health. Ageism has an impact on the attrition of nursing faculty, the loss of expertise, and a significant financial impact on society. Litigation is also a potential concern. Actions to mitigate these consequences require deliberate strategies to counter ageism focused on how we think, feel, and act. Central to these strategies is a need to purposely remove the language of ageism from reports, job advertisements, and even curricula. Research is needed for claims regarding the productivity of nursing faculty that presently have no supporting data. Ultimately older faculty need to be viewed not as a homogenous group but rather as one that brings a rich heterogenicity to nursing education, providing the opportunity for intergenerational teaching and mentoring.
Conclusion
By 2030, 71 million adults are expected to be 65 or older. One in every five Americans will have reached retirement age. For the first time in US history, older adults will outnumber children by 2034. This number will continue to increase such that by 2060, there will be ninety-eight million
people in the US over the age of sixty-five (Vespa et al., 2020). This demographic transition should be a wake-up call for nursing. By the end of this decade, approximately 150 million jobs globally will need to recruit workers 55 and older to meet the future needs of their businesses (Sheen, 2024).
There is no way around the nursing faculty shortage that does not include the hiring of older faculty.
Some major US companies have already figured this out and are beginning to capitalize on the opportunities this new demographic offers. Companies such as Microsoft, GM, Bank of America, Walgreens, and others are inviting older workers to return. And even our colleagues in other health sciences are joining the chorus. A webpage published by Columbia University’s School of Public Health lists ten advantages of retaining and hiring older workers that include but are not limited to increased skill, experience, reliability, and a strong work ethic (Columbia University, n.d.).
The evidence and impact of age discrimination in hiring has serious and often long-term consequences not only for individuals but also for institutions and society at large. It’s time for nursing leaders to critically analyze and provide supporting research for any strategies they employ in trying to address the faculty shortage. It’s time to stop imposing trauma on its members and capitalize instead on the opportunities that an older demographic can bring into the academy (Lobell, 2023; SUSS, 2020). It’s time to take the lead in fighting ageism by role- modeling the core ethical values of equity and inclusion that are critical to the nursing profession.
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